With thanks to Odd Mathis Hætta which book "The
Sami - an indigenous people of the arctic" has been the
basis for this introduction to Sami culture and history.
The Sami people have never been large in numbers. Today, it is
estimated that there are between 60-80 000 Sami living in Norway,
Sweden, Finland and Russia. Several criteria are used to determine
Saminess: language (i.e. those who speak Sami themselves or have
at least great grand parents that did) or ethnic and cultural belonging.
Approximately half of all Sami live in Norway.
Historically, the Sami culture forms part of the Arctic cultural
area. These have been the ecological background for Sami hunting
and trapping methods, dwellings, means of transport, language, and
pre-Christian religion. There are similarities that can be found
between the Sami and the cultural traits of other Northern peoples
in the Artic. At the same time as there are cultural differences
between the Sami’s an indigenous on Greenland, in Siberia and
in North America.
The first settlements
The Northern area has been settled ever since the ice receded,
more than 10,000 years ago. Recent archaeological findings and analyses
show that the oldest settlements in Norway were in fact found in
Finnmark, in Slettnes on the island of Sørøy and Sarnes
on Magerøy. This might indicate in-migration from the east
that followed the withdrawal of the ice, and the first areas to
be free of ice and thus habitable were the islands and coastal areas
of the north. Findings indicate that the northern settlements were
somewhat unstable. Sites were settled only to be vacated again,
and a majority of the population had several dwellings, which they
would move between depending on the time of year and the resources
available at any given time.
The earliest known written account to describe the Sami is the
story that the chieftain Ottar told Kind Alfred of England during
his visit in AD 890. Ottar was, in his own words, the Norwegian
who lived furthest north in the country, and he presented himself
as a wealthy man. Part of his wealth came from taxation of and trade
with the Sami. He traded in several kinds of pelts, bird feathers,
and ropes made of whale and sealskin. The exact location of Ottar’s
home is uncertain, but it is believed to have been in southern Troms.
Recent archaeological excavations in Slettnes show that the traditional
Sami circular gamme (turf hut) was used from around the beginning
of the Christian era, and that this was the most common dwelling
in Finnmark throughout the Iron Age. In the 15th and 16th centuries,
there was large-scale immigration into the costal areas of the whole
northern region. Good fishing grounds and high prices for dried
fish in Europe served to pull people northward. One consequence
of this influx was that the coast-Sami communities were put under
a lot of pressure in the struggle for resources. Moreover, they
were already subject to strong religious and cultural influence,
which was the result of state policy. It was probably during the
same period that the Sami made the transition from hunting wild
reindeer to reindeer husbandry. Several family groups (siidas)
would share ownership of a herd of animals. It seems that the mountain
Sami were better able to maintain important elements of their religion,
culture and source of livelihood — which might be partly because
they were nomads. The way of life in the reindeer siidas also
displayed astronger sense of continuity.
The rock carvings at the head of Altafjorden were carved into the
rock at a height of 8 to 26 meters above sea level. Those highest
up are believed to be the oldest, and might date from 4,200 BC,
while those furthest down must date from after 500 BC. In addition
to this site, which is the largest in Finnmark, rock carvings have
been found in Slettnes on the island of Sørøya which
have been estimated to be 8,000 years old.
The motifs and styles of the rock carvings change from one epoch
to another. They show human figures, women and men, performing various
activities ranging from hunting and fishing to dancing. The animal
figures depict reindeer, elk, bears, dogs, hares, and large sea
mammals like whales and seals. There are also carvings depicting
halibut and salmon, and many show birds such as geese and ducks,
seagulls and cormorants. Reindeer have been depicted individually,
inside enclosures, and in smaller groups, and they are shown during
the mating season and swimming across the fjord.
Elk are portrayed pregnant, in hunting scenes with dogs, and with
calves walking along behind them. In spite of this wealth of images,
the bear seems to be one of the most central of the animals. It
is depicted during hibernation and in hunting scenes with people.
There is a she-bear who has just left her winter lair with her young,
and there is a bear that is just wandering along while the hunter
gets his bow and arrow ready. The other animals have usually not
been put into such dramatic hunting scenes, but are shown in a more
stylised fashion, which indicates that the bear had a particular
cultural and religious importance.
People are shown in hunting scenes, in scenes depicting processions,
and in what seem to be ritual occasions. There are also instances
of copulating couples and dance scenes. The rock carvings at the
head of Altafjorden are on UNESCO’s World Heritage List, and
are the only listed site in the Sami area.
Within the resource area of Sami groups, there would have been
three or four regular seasonal dwelling places. Some people lived
in groups on the coast during the winter. They would fish for cod,
coley, herring, haddock, ling, halibut and other species, depending
on the weather and the time of year. They also caught small whales
and seals. They hunted birds and martens, squirrels, foxes and other
small fur-bearing animals. With some planning and cooperation, they
were also able to catch beaver and hunt bear. In the summer they
lived along rivers and lakes that were rich in fish. The autumn
was the season for picking berries, hunting small game, and perhaps
also for trapping wild reindeer and elk in pits.
Since nomads do not farm, they do not have the same need for private
ownership of land and water as farmers do. The Sami shared ownership
of their area and the resources in it. The scattered nature of the
resources meant that in order to survive and prosper the Sami needed
a high degree of flexibility and detailed knowledge of their area;
they had to use a very wide variety of the resources available at
any given time. Controlling a particular area was less important.
People did not inherit the rights to the resources of a particular
place. Instead, their parents provided them with animals and the
knowledge necessary to make the most of the resources available.
In this way, people ensured their own survival and the survival
of those closest to them. Given the tough conditions facing those
who live in the Arctic, detailed knowledge of and respect for the
whims of nature was necessary for survival.
The Arctic peoples have never been numerous. They lived in small
groups of 20-30 and possibly up to 120-150 people, depending on
what their area could provide. There are reasons to believe that
this societies where close to unstratified. It was a stateless direct
democracy with a leader, a Siiddaisit, in each group. The
leader was the primus inter pares, which acted as the group’s
spokesman, suggested how the kill should be divided after a hunt,
protected the rights of the siida in relation to other groups,
arbitrated in internal disputes, and represented the group vis-à-vis
outsiders. Occasionally, there were conflicts, which were difficult
to solve, but no wars were ever fought.
The old Sami religion was founded on an animistic world-view and
a shamanistic form of worship in which drumming on the *runebomme
(ritual drum) and traditional chanting, yoiking, were of
great importance. Nature was considered life-giving, and mountains,
stone formations and lakes could be of help to the people if they
worshipped them and brought them sacrificial gifts. Natural phenomena
were gods. The sun had a central place, not as a personified god,
but as a basic cosmic force, which extended its rays across the
world and carried the personified gods on its rays. These gods were
not people, but intermediary figures between human beings and greater
forces. Dierpmis (the god of thunder) was worshipped fervently.
Bieggolmmái (the god of wind), mánnu
(the moon) and áhcolmmái (the god of water)
were revered because they had the power to improve people’s
conditions. Leaibolmmái (the god of alder or blood)
ruled over all game and enjoyed a particularly high status because
the bark of the alder, mixed with saliva, created a blood-red juice,
which was used for painting the figures on the ritual drum (*runebomme).
The ritual drum or *runebomme, consists of a membrane of
reindeer-calf skin stretched over an oval ring or wooden bowl with
two or more oblong holes as handles. The basic design of the drum
varies somewhat, but often the central figure on the *runebomme
is a rhombus-shaped sun with four rays. The top figures are the
ruling gods, while the bottom figures show the life of the Sami
— their dwellings, reindeer, neighbours, and the birds and
game of the forest. To the left of the central top figures, we find
Sáivu, the ancestral mound where the dead lead lives
of comfort. The gods, the humans and the deaths live their lives
on different levels within a kind of sameness — the way they
are pictured on the drum. This might be related to the fact that
it was the task of the shaman to travel between the two worlds using
his drum. The purpose of his journeys was to bring back information
and guidance needed by the people when important decisions were
to be made, or when sick souls needed advice from their ancestors.
The shaman or noaidi had to have sufficient strength to carry
out these journeys on behalf of the community, not in order to gain
enlightenment himself, but to act as a messenger between the various
lives and worlds. The shaman could also see into the future by putting
his ear to the drum and listening to its "speech", or by following
the movements of the árpa while he drummed with the
hammer. The árpa is a plumb made either of brass or
a carved piece of reindeer horn from an uncastrated male reindeer.
Drumming had a practical use as well, in relation with hunting,
trapping or reindeer herding, and it also functioned as a compass
while moving the herd.
Sacrifices to the gods could be made beside large, protruding rocks,
which were prominent in the landscape. Such rocks were called sieidi
and are found all over Finnmark. Sacrifices could also be made in
grottoes and mountain caves, on rocky outcrops, under mountaintops,
or on the shore of a lake. It was common to give bones and horns
of white reindeer as sacrificial gifts to the sun. Sometimes the
whole reindeer was sacrificed. On special occasions, the God of
Thunder had to be given an entire male reindeer, which was then
buried in the earth so that nothing but its magnificent antlers
could be seen. When making sacrifices to the other nature gods,
people would come carrying bone and horn; they would rub the sieidi
in fish fat or soak it in blood. The purpose was to honour the gods,
and keep on good terms with them. People therefore took many precautions
in order to protect themselves and their families and ensure good
luck and happiness in life.
Two distinctly Sami figures recur in stories, stállo
and the tjud. Stállo appears in different guises.
He can be a legendary figure reminiscent of the Norse tax collector,
or he might appear as an evil giant who challenges the Sami to a
wrestling match. Stállo can also be a kind of Santa
Claus figure who travels with an ox and a string of mice and lemmings
on Christmas Eve. The tjuds were a band of plunderers who
operated in groups when attacking the Sami. Many mountains and areas
of Finnmark have legends associated with them of tjuds who
were lured to their deaths during raids. Stállo and
the tjuds were "strangers" and intruders in the Sami world,
and stories about them might be understood as a way of making sense
of some the Sami’s experience of strangers. In other stories
we meet beings such as giants, elves, trolls, ghosts from the sea,
sea serpents, and enchanted birds, as well as magic arrows and "lucky
feathers", and other beings and phenomena people might encounter.
These were often seen as omens, or they might carry messages that
were well worth listening to. All these beings existed on the borderline
between nature and culture, man and animal. Even today, these beings
and phenomena are part of a living narrative tradition which new
generations of children still shudder at in delight, and which they
may also learn from.
The Sami chant, the yoik, traditionally had a dual function.
On the one hand, it was, and still remains, the distinctive musical
expression of the Sami. The yoik is used "to remember people",
to characterize individuals, animals and landscapes. It can be described
as a melodic-rhythmic lecture, in which rhythm is paramount and
less emphasis is put on the verbal description of the lyrics. The
yoiker’s task is to use music and images to create an emotion
or atmosphere that then evokes the person, animal or place yoiked.
In the pre-Christian religion, the yoik formed an important
part of religious ceremonies. In such ceremonies, the shaman added
a rhythmic accompaniment to the yoik by beating his drum.
This dual function is the reason why some people even today see
the yoik as sinful and therefore incompatible with Christian
religious life.
As early as the 17th century the yoik was banned by law.
Anyone breaking the law was to be punished severely. The reason
the yoik was banned and condemned at this time was that the
period saw the beginning of Christian missions among the Sami, and
the yoik was seen exclusively as an expression of pre-Christian
religion. The yoik thus disappeared from public occasions
and fell into disuse in many areas. Where the yoik survived,
people took care not to provoke public officials and the Norwegian
Church. The yoik has been condemned by the church ever since
the Sami converted to Christianity, but it is nevertheless the subject
of praise in cultural and political contexts. Today, good yoikers
enjoy considerable authority within the Sami community.
The melody of a joik is simple, with quarter and fifth intervals
in a five-tone scale. Its many glides are most often descending,
but when the same tone is taken up again a sort of double-glide
is used, descending to the dominant below, before ascending once
more to the original tone of the upbeat. Octave intervals may also
be used. In other cases the descending glide may make use of a few
combinations of intermediate tones, turning them into melody tones.
The end result is that the melody is given multiple tone steps,
thus approaching a more modern feeling. The rhythm is always important.
It can be made more rousing by varying the length of the rest notes,
such that every other bar changes between 5/8 and 7/8, or by shortening
the melody combinations from 2/4 to 2/8, in such a way that the
melody speeds up.
Duodji is a term that covers all creative Sami handicrafts,
including the making of clothes, kitchen utensils, means of transport,
and decorative objects. The materials used are the natural raw materials
available in a given settlement area. Duodji thus reflects
the geographical, ecological and economic conditions of the area.
An important material is wood, especially birch; not only the wood
itself is used, but also the bark and roots. Other important raw
materials are horn, bone and leather, especially from reindeer,
but the hides of elk, sheep, cattle and sea mammals are also used,
as well as sheep’s wool. Glass beads, natural textiles, and
even synthetic materials, are part of the production of duodji
today.
One of the most prominent representatives of Sami pictorial art
and sculpture is Iver Jåks (born in Karasjok in 1932). He
is an eminent graphic artist and has also illustrated a number of
books. He was educated in Oslo and Copenhagen, and has twice been
given a 3-year state award for artists. His work has been exhibited
in several renowned galleries in Scandinavia and the rest of Europe.
He is represented in the National Gallery and the Travelling Art
Gallery of Norway. His work can also be seen in Karasjok and Tromsø.
Nils Aslak Valkeapää (b. 1943 in Karesuando) is the foremost
representative of traditional Sami yoik, but he has also
become something of a pioneer in his attempts to innovate the form.
Valkeapää has published several collections of poetry,
and was awarded the Nordic Council's Literature Prize in 1990 for
his epic poem "Beaivi, áhcázan" ("The Sun, My Father").
Mari Boine is one of the other Sami artists that like Valkeapää,
is seeking her inspiration in the musical instruments and expressions
of indigenous peoples from other parts of the world. Boine has released
many albums.
A Sami theatre, Beaivvás, is based in Kautokeino. After
a trial period that lasted several years, Beaivvás in 1990
started receiving funding on an equal basis with the regional theatres
of Norway. In March 1993, the Storting (Norwegian Parliament)
passed an Act granting Beaivvás state funding on equal terms
with the National Theatre, the Norwegian Theatre and the Bergen
theatre.
The Sami language belongs to the Finno-Ugric family along with
Hungarian, Finnish, Mordvin, Ziryen and Estonian, etc. There are
three main dialects: South Sami, North Sami and East Sami. Sami
has 6-9 grammatical cases depending on the dialect. The system of
word formation in Sami makes it possible to generate a large number
of new words from a single stem: verbs generate new verbs, nouns
and adjectives. Similarly, Sami can create verbs from nouns and
adjectives. Sami is a typical example of an agglutinative language,
where suffixes are added to the root or stem of the word. Morphology
(primarily, case) is therefore much more important than syntax (word
order), which is the opposite of what is the case for Swedish, Norwegian
and the other Scandinavian languages. The Sami language area is
bound together by the fact that neighbouring dialects are mutually
comprehensible.
The Sami language shows greater vitality today than it did just
10-20 years ago. The main reason is that the strict assimilation
policy formerly practised by the Norwegian state was less severely
implemented in the last 20 years. Norwegian primary schools started
teaching Sami, in some schools in 1967. From the early 1970s, Sami
was taught in the Norwegian secondary schools in Karasjok and Kautokeino.
In 1990, Norway and Finland passed laws that give Sami equal status
with the countries’ official languages, and assure the right
of everybody who wants it to receive instruction in Sami. It will
nevertheless take a long time before these ambitions are fully realized.
From the 16th century onward, there was increased rivalry for the
territory inhabited by the Sami. Denmark-Norway sought to defend
its coastal territory and collect customs and excise revenue from
the international shipping trade to and from Russia. At the same
time, Sweden (which then included Finland) and Russia were becoming
increasingly active in the north. At the time when the borders between
the three competing nations, Norway, Finland and Russia were being
drawn in the north, each country built churches and missions and
started levying taxes in order to assert their national sovereignty.
There were thus periods when the Sami population was taxed by all
three states simultaneously.
In 1848, the Norwegian Storting (parliament) decided to
increase the pace of the norwegianization process, particularly
of the coastal areas, by asking the government "to investigate whether
it would be possible to further the education of the Lapps, especially
those residing in the southern areas, by providing instruction in
the Norwegian language". This was the "beginning of a new system",
as one newspaper wrote, of a more systematic "integration of the
Sami population" in the nation-building project. Darwin’s idea
of a hierarchy of different peoples and population groups served
to legitimise the oppression of the Sami population during this
period.
Still, the Norwegianization efforts did not have the desired results
during the 1860s and 70s. "The existing system has not enabled the
state elementary schools to complete the task required of them in
the peculiar conditions of Finnmark, i.e. to make an important contribution
to the Norwegianization of the foreign nationalities in the county",
one high official pronounced after a tour of Finnmark and Troms
in 1877. This aim served as the basis for the Norwegian assimilation
policy for generations, right up to the 1960s. The schools were
an important tool, and since the Sami often lived scattered over
a large area and children often failed to attend school, the period
saw extensive building of boarding schools.
The boarding schools dramatically increased attendance levels,
classes could now be put together of children of the same age group,
the pupils could be given homework, and instruction became more
efficient. The children could be monitored at all times, and the
teachers could speak Norwegian to them outside the classroom as
well. The boarding school provided "a more intensive approach and
cultural unification from childhood."
It was thought that it would be impossible to facilitate the creation
of a Sami "cultural life" by supporting the use of Sami language
and culture, because "the character and talents of the people do
not go in that direction".
In 1917 the first Sami National meeting was held in Trondheim.
For the first time there were representatives from both north and
south of Sapmi gathered. This was the start of which became a struggle
for the founding and strengthening of Sami organisations and institutions.
Reindeer herding is an important livelihood for many Sami. After
the war, the industry has gone through a period of transition, characterized
by changing government regulations for the reindeer herders. At
the same time, reindeer herding has become increasingly mechanized.
In the last 20-30 years, both state authorities and herding organizations
have aimed to bring reindeer herding more in line with other parts
of the primary sector, which have already found their place in the
country’s modern market place. The first step was to normalize
trade by setting up slaughterhouses and introducing reindeer products
in the ordinary consumer market. Meat prices became more stable,
and the turnover more predictable. Bartering declined in importance
and money became the central means of exchange when reindeer herders
traded with their neighbours. Before, every reindeer family would
cultivate good relations with non-nomadic Sami, a relationship that
was beneficial for both parties. The reindeer herder could lodge
with the other family for a shorter or longer period of time. Meat
was exchanged for fish and other produce. The non-nomadic Sami would
tame reindeer, provide wood for fuel, and make orders for sleds,
harnesses, and other items necessary for the herders. The reindeer
herders procured the cash they needed to pay taxes, among other
things, by selling meat or live reindeer to buyers. Characteristic
of the old, intensive form of reindeer herding was that most of
the production was consumed by the reindeer owners themselves. The
size of the reindeer herd was determined by the family’s ability
to utilize the products yielded by the animals efficiently. This
intensive form of herding meant that each family could manage with
a smaller number of animals than what became necessary after the
introduction of a cash economy. Previously, working with the reindeer
usually required the labour of the entire family.
In a modern consumer society, the reindeer herding Sami depend
on modern technology and ordinary consumer goods. Reindeer are therefore
increasingly bred for sale. Earlier, the Sami would combine farming
with other uses of natural resources. They would hunt grouse in
the winter and duck in summer. In spring, there was wood to be cut,
and in summer and autumn people would pick berries and fish in lakes
and rivers. Today, many of the herders are dependent on paid work
to supplement the income they get from herding.
The Sami and the international indigenous peoples movement
The Word Council of Indigenous Peoples (WCIP) was founded in Port
Alberni, Canada, in October l975. The intention was to mobilize
ethnic minorities worldwide to work for the protection of the rights
of indigenous peoples. As early as November 1973, there was a large
conference in Copenhagen for the northern indigenous peoples (the
Arctic Peoples’ Conference), at which representatives of the
northern Indian peoples, Canadian Inuits, Greenlanders and Sami
(represented by the Nordic Sami Council) took part. In a WCIP declaration,
states were requested to *"recognize the original population’s
collective ownership of land and water in the areas which we have
traditionally settled and used". The states are also asked to *"recognize
our rights as a people to self-determination in matters concerning
us, and our right to realize our potential".
The initiative for the foundation of the WCIP was taken by the
National Indian Brotherhood of Canada (NIB), under the direction
of the Shus-wap Chief George Manuel from British Columbia. Several
other large American Indian organizations took part in the inaugural
meeting in October 1975: the National Congress of American Indians
(USA), Centro Indigena (Guatemala), Minkà (Bolivia), Unidad
Indigena (Colombia), Asociación Indigena (Argentina), Ecuatorina
de Indios (Ecuador) and Confederación Nacional Agraria (Peru).
There were representatives of New Zealand’s Maori Council,
Greenland’s Greenlanders’ Association, and the Nordic
Sami Council from the Fennoscandian countries. Representatives of
the indigenous populations of Australia, Hawaii, Paraguay, Venezuela,
Mexico, Panama and Nicaragua were also present. There were delegates
from 19 countries altogether, but the Brazilian and Chilean delegates
were denied exit visas and were therefore absent from the meeting
in Port Alberni.
The WCIP aims to investigate, and publish material about, the discrimination
and repression of indigenous peoples. The idea and ideological foundation
of the organization was to organize indigenous peoples, which are
ethnic minorities with little or no political power and self-determination
in the countries, they live in, and who see their livelihoods and
cultures threatened by the economic and political expansion of the
majority society. The WCIP tries to create a worldwide mobilization
to protect the rights of indigenous peoples against the encroachments
of the majority society. The WCIP has put particular emphasis on
the indigenous peoples’ right to control their traditional
lands and resources, since they lose their livelihoods and their
ethnic identities when their territories are used for oil drilling,
mining, and power plants. State authorities, for their part, regard
such actions and processes as internal, national affairs.
The Norwegian Sami Parliament, which was founded in 1989, was the
result of a large-scale conflict over the building of a hydroelectric
power station on the Alta-Kautokeino River. The conflict started
in the late 1970s and culminated in the early 80s. During the Alta
protests, two international trends came together, lending considerable
force to the protest movement: The environmentalist interests, who
were fighting a society they thought consumed too much energy, joined
forces with the new-found self-confidence of indigenous peoples
and ethnic minorities.
In a marginal Arctic area, even small development schemes can cause
permanent damage to large river systems and change the climate as
well as the flora and fauna. These changes may, in turn, lead to
changes in the conditions for farming, reindeer herding, salmon
fishing and fjord fishing. The Sami protested, first, against further
development in Sami areas, which was seen as evidence of a "bit-by-bit"
policy, and second, against the practical consequences the damming
would have for some reindeer herders. In 1980, 2,800 people lived
in Kautokeino, of whom approximately one third worked in reindeer
herding. Five grazing districts with 300 people were affected and
demanded compensation. The authorities also paid little attention
to the plant life and cultural artefacts that were discovered in
the area which was about to be dammed. There were many protests
and demonstrations in the struggle to protect the river, including
two hunger strikes.
In January 1981 a large police unit was sent in to clear away the
demonstrators. Work started up under police protection, and the
power plant came into operation in May 1987. In the aftermath of
the conflict, the Norwegian government set up several committees
to evaluate the legal position and status of the Sami. Among the
issues the committees were to consider was the question of giving
the Sami the status of an indigenous people in the constitution,
setting up a Sami parliament, and the Sami’s rights to land
and water. The committees have produced several official reports,
but more are still to come. The conflict over the Alta-Kautokeino-
River was an important reason why the ILO convention on indigenous
peoples was revised and passed in Geneva in 1989.
The ILO Convention concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples
Convention 169 of the International Labour Organisation (ILO),
which was adopted in Geneva in 1989, gives the following definition
of "indigenous people":
"peoples in independent countries who are regarded as indigenous
on account of their descent from the populations which inhabited
the country, or a geographical region to which the country belongs,
at the time of conquest or colonisation or the establishment of
present state boundaries and who, irrespective of their legal status,
retain some or all of their own social, economic, cultural and political
institutions".
It is not required of indigenous peoples that they should have
been the first to occupy the said territory. When Norway ratified
this convention in 1990, it was the first country to do so. But
already in the preceding year, the Norwegian parliament had passed
an amendment to the constitution:
"It is the responsibility of the authorities of the State to create
conditions enabling the Sami people to preserve and develop its
language, culture and way of life".
The Sami Parliament was established after the Storting passed the
new Act Concerning the Sameting (the Sami Parliament) and other
Sami Legal Matters in 1987. "The purpose of the Act", it says, "is
to enable the Sami people in Norway to safeguard and develop their
language, culture and way of life". The act stated that there should
be a representative Sami body: The Sami people were to have "their
own nation-wide Sameting elected by and among the Sami population.
… The business of the Sameting is any matter that in the view
of the parliament particularly affects the Sami people. … The
Sameting may on its own initiative raise and pronounce an opinion
on any matter coming within the scope of its business".
Members of the assembly "have the right to speak Sami or Norwegian
as they wish".
Members of the Sami Parliament are chosen by direct ballot on the
same day as elections to the Storting (Norwegian parliament).
The term of office is four years, from October 1 of the election
year. Thirty-nine representatives are chosen, representing 13 electoral
districts. Finnmark County is divided into 6 electoral districts
with 18 representatives, while Troms County elects 9 representatives
from 3 districts. The remaining representatives are chosen from
the South Sami area and among Sami who have moved out of the traditional
settlement areas. A register of Sami electors has been set up, which
includes everybody who "declares" that they regard themselves as
Sami, speak Sami themselves, or whose parents, grandparents or great
grandparents spoke Sami in the home.
FLASH
yoik:
